Beyond Criminology: Taking Harm Seriously by Paddy Hillyard, Christina Pantazis, Dave Gordon, Steve

By Paddy Hillyard, Christina Pantazis, Dave Gordon, Steve Tombs, Visit Amazon's Daniel Dorling Page, search results, Learn about Author Central, Daniel Dorling,

Past Criminology is an cutting edge, groundbreaking critique of the slim concentration of traditional criminology. The authors argue that crime varieties just a small and infrequently insignificant quantity of the damage skilled via humans. They exhibit that, whereas customized and culture play an immense position within the perpetuation of a few sorts of damage, many sorts of damage are rooted within the inequalities and social divisions systematically produced in -- and by way of -- modern states. Exploring a number of subject matters together with violence, indifference, company and country harms, homicide, youngsters, asylum and immigration guidelines, sexuality and poverty, the contributions increase a few theoretical and methodological concerns linked to a social damage procedure. just once now we have pointed out the origins, scale and results of social harms, they argue, will we start to formulate attainable responses -- and those usually tend to be situated in public and social coverage than within the legal justice approach. The booklet presents an unique and not easy new standpoint that is going past criminology -- one that may be of curiosity to scholars, lecturers and coverage makers.

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Excessive corporate welfare has been recently justified on the basis of the need to develop ‘national champions’ to compete in the so-called global marketplace. Yet this practice of state welfare to corporations has long been central to the development of corporate capital, and operates on an international, not simply domestic, scale (see, for example, Ruigrock and van Tulder, 1995). The commitment to corporate welfare was heightened under Reagan and Thatcher (Chomsky, 1999: 66–8), and maintained by more recent administrations in both the US and UK.

4 Further, judgments in such cases are made by secret tribunals and are premised on an assumption, made explicit in the WTO’s Agreement on Technical Barriers on Trade, that environmental standards must be both ‘necessary’ and least ‘trade restrictive’ (Barlow and Clarke, 2001: 80). Clearly these ‘criteria’ are based on the neo-liberal dogma that increased trade per se is intrinsically good. Furthermore, the rationale for damages lies in another doctrine developed by right-wing American lawyers.

Moreover, it needs to be added that even if ‘successful’, such arguments may tend to legitimate the existence of an extended system of social control, within which the weakest and most vulnerable members of our societies have always suffered disproportionately. Further, but relatedly, such calls for more effective criminalisation need to be aware of the ‘flexibility’ of this system and the obduracy of its highly unequal functioning. Thus, those of us who have proposed reforms in the way in which corporate offenders, for example, are treated, must be clear that whenever we speak of policy implications, or propose reforms in relation to treating corporate offences as crimes, that these reforms may then be developed in ways that we had not intended.

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